From PDM Reforms to Poll Dominance: How RDC Hope Atuheire Delivered Museveni’s Landslide in Kween

2026-03-18 - 12:34

When Uganda went to the polls on January 15, 2026, the outcome in Sebei’s Kween District was nothing short of emphatic. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni secured 34,623 votes, representing 85.65% of the total tally, while his main challenger, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu—better known as Bobi Wine—managed only 4,242 votes (10.54%). This marked an improvement from the 2021 elections, when Museveni polled 27,467 votes (83.5%) against Kyagulanyi’s 5,419 (16.58%). The National Resistance Movement (NRM) swept all three parliamentary seats, the district chairperson position, and the majority of councilor posts. At the sub-county level, fifteen of nineteen LCIII chairpersons were NRM, with the remainder leaning toward the ruling party. For the opposition, it was a complete rout; for the NRM, a reaffirmation of dominance in Sebei. Behind this landslide stood the quiet but firm hand of Hope Atuheire, the Resident District Commissioner (RDC) of Kween. Atuheire’s journey to this role is remarkable. On March 23, 2022, she traded her police uniform for the RDC’s office, ending a distinguished 30-year career in the Uganda Police Force. Rising through the ranks, she served in Special Branch, Crime Intelligence, and later as Commandant at Nsambya Police Barracks. Her appointment formed part of President Museveni’s reshuffle of RDCs, underscoring the importance of security-conscious leadership at the district level. Yet she quickly discovered that the RDC role was not simply an extension of police work. “Police work and the RDC role are not the same, despite both involving security,” she reflects. “As an RDC, you are expected to manage security while maintaining a civilian approach as a representative of the President, who is a politician. That makes all the difference.” Her first assignment in Kween was to scrutinize the Parish Development Model (PDM), a flagship government program aimed at transitioning Ugandans from subsistence farming into the money economy. What she found was troubling: extortion by officials, nepotism in beneficiary selection, and widespread misinformation. Some locals believed PDM funds were a “thank you” for supporting the NRM rather than an empowerment initiative, while others were coerced into paying bribes to be included on beneficiary lists. Atuheire moved swiftly—organizing community barazas, radio sensitization campaigns, and direct interventions. One case stood out: Mama Gogo Kisa of Aromani village, who reported officials demanding UGX 100,000 before listing her as a beneficiary. Following Atuheire’s intervention, she received her funds, bought a cow, and became a model success story. When Museveni toured Kween in 2025, Mama Kisa was showcased as a shining example of PDM’s impact. Such interventions restored public confidence and turned potential discontent into renewed support for the ruling party. Beyond fixing government programs, Atuheire spearheaded voter registration drives, ensuring eligible citizens were enrolled on the Electoral Commission’s rolls. She also emphasized peaceful NRM primaries, insisting that flag bearers reflect the genuine will of the voters. This minimized internal disputes and allowed candidates to campaign as a united front. “NRM flag bearers in Kween moved and campaigned together as a team, which made it easier for voters to maintain unified support,” she notes. Constant engagement with candidates at all levels reinforced this cohesion, ultimately benefiting Museveni. Analysts argue that such unity is critical in districts like Kween, where opposition parties often seek to exploit divisions within the ruling party. Another factor was the expansion of the RDC office. The addition of Assistant RDCs increased capacity, enabling broader coverage across the district. “It was very hard for one RDC and a deputy to cover every part of the district, but with more staff, work was simplified. Monitoring government programs became easier, and people’s concerns could be addressed more effectively,” she explains. Support from the Office of the President, under Minister Milly Babalanda, proved pivotal. Improved staff welfare, transport facilitation, and allowances for outreach programs boosted morale and efficiency. Visits by senior officials, including Permanent Secretary Hajji Yunus Kakande, provided guidance and encouragement. In November 2025, Minister Babalanda personally visited Kween, persuading scores of former opposition supporters to cross to the NRM—a symbolic and strategic gain that further consolidated the party’s base. Atuheire also cites her cordial working relationship with area MP Hon. William Chemonges as a key enabler. She notes that the MP maintained consistent presence in the district, strengthening NRM cohesion and mobilization. Elections in Uganda are often tense, marked by fears of clashes and allegations of malpractice. Yet Kween remained largely peaceful. Atuheire attributes this to clear role demarcation. “In Kween, everyone knew their role and stuck to it. Our mandate was to secure the process, not to announce winners—and we respected that.” Extensive sensitization campaigns discouraged violence and disruptions. Radio talk shows, community meetings, and stakeholder engagements emphasized peace, while candidates and opinion leaders reinforced the message. The result was a district that navigated the electoral period without major incidents—contrasting sharply with reports of unrest elsewhere. Kween’s story mirrors the broader Sebei sub-region, where Museveni has historically enjoyed strong support. Analysts point to several factors: reliance on government programs, the NRM’s deep organizational roots, and the role of RDCs in bridging the gap between central government and local communities. Nationally, Museveni’s 2026 victory followed similar patterns. According to the Electoral Commission, he secured over 60% of the vote nationwide, maintaining dominance despite challenges from a youthful opposition. Programs such as PDM, Emyooga, and infrastructure development were frequently cited as drivers of continued support. In districts like Kween, however, the margin was particularly striking—testament to effective local mobilization and leadership. For Atuheire, the journey has been transformative. “I extend my appreciation to the President for identifying me among many Ugandans and giving me the opportunity to serve in this capacity. It has helped me grow into a better person,” she says. Her story reflects the evolving role of RDCs in Uganda’s political landscape. Once seen primarily as security overseers, they are now central to political mobilization, program monitoring, and community engagement. Atuheire’s blend of police discipline and political sensitivity exemplifies this shift. Her ability to identify gaps, intervene decisively, and mobilize communities has made her a key figure in the NRM’s electoral machinery. Museveni’s landslide in Kween was no accident. It was the result of deliberate strategies: fixing government programs, ensuring peaceful primaries, mobilizing voters, expanding institutional capacity, and maintaining peace. At the heart of these efforts was Hope Atuheire—the ex-police officer turned RDC—whose vigilance and dedication helped transform potential discontent into overwhelming support. As Uganda looks ahead, the lessons from Kween are clear: electoral victories are not secured in Kampala alone, but in villages and sub-counties—through programs that impact lives and leaders who listen. For Museveni and the NRM, the 2026 elections reaffirmed their dominance. For Atuheire, they cemented her reputation as one of the President’s most trusted lieutenants. In her own words: “Police work taught me discipline. The RDC role taught me patience and engagement. Together, they have shown me that leadership is about service—and service is the true secret behind victory.”